In most negotiation Chapters, according to the Report of the European Commission, Montenegro has made “some progress”. Two worse grades than this one are “backsliding” or “no progress”. The lowest grades were given to chapters relating to economic and monetary policy and the fisheries.
For the key chapters relating to the fight against corruption and organized crime and the protection of fundamental rights (23 and 24), Montenegro keeps receiving, year after year, the same assessment -limited progress.
The evaluation of the need for further reform in these areas coincide with the analyses made by the Institute Alternative that was presented to the public just a day before the publication of the Annual Report.
The Report insists in particular on strengthening the independence and professionalism of the judiciary, inter alia, through the implementation of a new system of recruitment, evaluation and promotion.
As a reminder, IA has warned, during its presentation of findings on the rule of law in Montenegro, that the recent stance of the Administrative Court that the Judicial Council has broad authority to evaluate all the parameters for the selection of judges and to give priority to some, regardless of the number of points attained in election procedures, can have a negative impact on the reform of the judicial system.
The Montenegro Report also confirms our findings about the necessity for improving cooperation between police and prosecutors in pre-trial proceedings, as well as our conclusions on the lack of pro-activity of the Agency for prevention of corruption.
If these language constructs are translated into numerical scale, which the European Commission has adopted as part of the revised reporting methodology, the average score that Montenegro received, not only for Chapters 23 and 24, but in the overall report, is 3.
This revised methodology from 2015, includes two levels of evaluation – “state of play” and “level of progress”.
The first level of evaluation relates to the assessment of the overall situation in the areas covered by individual chapters, while the second level focuses on a separate assessment of the progress that has been made in the past 12 months, ie. since the release of the previous report.
Descriptive values for state of play are “early stage, some level of preparation, moderately prepared, good level of preparation, well advanced.”
“Backsliding” is the lowest rating that can be obtained for the second basis of reporting from the European Commission for a limited period of 12 months. Next is the “no progress, some progress, good progress and very good progress.”
Thus, the average rating of Montenegro in this year’s Report shows that the country made lowest level of progress.
The worst evaluated chapters were Chapter 13 (Fisheries) and Chapter 17 (Economic and Monetary policy), whereas, in comparison to last year’s report, lower grade received a Chapter on Public Procurement (5). For the Free movement of workers, the Chapter in which previously has been no progress, this year Montenegro has made limited progress, according to the European Commission.
Montenegro has stagnated in key areas of rule of law, and backslided in the area of cooperation of the Government with NGOs, it was concluded at today’s event organised by Institute alternative (IA).
Today, a day before publication of European Commission’s (EC) report on Montenegro 2016, IA presented key findings of the research “Monitoring and Evaluation of Rule of Law in Montenegro”, with a focus on state of play in the following areas: reform of judiciary, public administration and police, fight agaist corruption, integrity of electoral process, protection of human rights and control function of the Parliament.
Dina Bajramspahić has pointed put that key problems identified at the very beginning of reform of judiciary remain a challenge, particularly in terms of accountability, independence and impartiality.
“This primarily includes issues regarding the appointment and promotion of judges and state prosecutors, transparency in relation to the appraisal system, criminal liability and disciplinary and ethical responsibility, as well as the rationalisation of the judicial network”, she added.
Bajramspahić added that the most recent case of appointment of the judge of Administrative Court raises the question whether the discretionary appointment of judges will take precedence over references and achieved results.
Namely, in this case, Administrative Court has took the position that Judicial Council has wide competences to evaluate all criteria for appointment of judges and to give priority to certain judges, regardless the score of the candidates.
Milena Milošević pointed out that lack of transparency on public finance represents a main black hole of governance in Montenegro.
“The way of spending of budgetary reserve remains secret. We do not know to whom and based on which criteria 62 million euro from the budgetary reserve has gone since 2012 onwards”, she said, reminding that even the information on the finances of Montenegrin municipalities has been declared confidential.
“Cooperation of the Government with NGOs is one of the areas where Montenegro has slid backwards the most”, considers Milošević. This arises from lack of functionality of the Council for Development of NGOs, non-realisation of the effects of the Strategy for Development of NGOs and insufficient regulation of financing of NGO projects from the state budget.
She added that the public administration reform, although one of the key pillars of EU enlargement, is in stagnation and lack of progress in achieving merit-based recruitment and depoliticisation of public administration is particularly worrisome.
Ana Đurnić referred to the work of the Agency for Prevention of Corruption, whose previous work largely confirmed the warnings from the paper that the IA announced earlier this year – “Happy New Agency!”.
“The Agency is passive in cross-checking assets declaration of public officials, while all the imposed penalties are bellow legal minimum”, explained Đurnić, clarifying that the Agency cross checked only one fifth of assets declaration for first six months of its work.
She added that the practice of closing its work for public that started with appointment of its director, has continued ever since, and pointed out that registers of donations and sponsorship to the political subjects should be more transparent.
Đurnić stressed that the work of the Special State Prosecutor’s Office is an isolated example of progress in the rule of law area, despite the fact that its results so far remained limited to the prosecution of cases of corruption in Budva.
Aleksandra Vavić referred to police reform, noting that only a third of the measures planned by the Strategy for Development of the Police was implemented during the first six months of 2016.
“”A large part of the activities implemented so far relates to initiating changes and the development of a normative framework,” explained Vavić.
She considers that the least has been done in the area of establishing electronic records. “The key records are still missing, including Records of persons
She believes that the least has been done in the area of establishing electronic records. “The key records are still missing, including Records of persons towards who the secret surveillance measures have been applied”, although, warns Vavić, those are measures that temporarily restrict citizens’ constitutionally guaranteed rights.
Ivana Bogojević warned about a worrisome fact that there is no significant progress in the area of media freedoms and freedom of expression.
“Attacks on journalists are not being qualified as criminal acts, and necessary amendments to the media laws, that would guarantee more independence of public service, better protection of integrity of journalists as well as bringing order to the market of electronic media, have not been adopted”, she explained.
When it comes to freedom of assembly, some progress has been achieved, but excessive use of force remains unresolved and problematic issue.
“State Prosecution, even a year after the October protests did not solve cases of beatings of citizens and journalists by the officers of Special Antiterrorist Unit (SAU). It is particularly worrisome that we yet do not know who was hiding behind 28 masks of SAU officials, which have participated in brutal beatings of citizens, while only one person – commander Lješković is waiting for a trial”, considers Bogojević.
Milica Ražnatović reminded of the failure of building trust in the electoral process in Montenegro, and in that regard she particularly pointed out the passivity of State Electoral Commission.
“State Electoral Commission did not publish information important for pre-electoral process, such as, for example, verification of voters list. In only one case and under significant public pressure, the Commission published Opinion concluding that the Law on Personal Identification Document and the Law on Election of Councillors and Representatives are complementary”, reminded Ražnatović.
Statements on phantom voters in the voting list are also a matter of concern. Special Prosecutor’s Office is also not up to their new powers.
“Jurisdiction of Special State Prosecutor’s Office has been extended to reported cases of vote buying. However, this expansion of jurisdiction was not accompanied by the strengthening of human resource capacities, which should be the first step to make the work of the Special State Prosecutor’s Office more efficient and faster”, she explained.
Finally, Aleksandra Vavić additionally referred to the control function of the Parliament, which remains weak despite increased use of certain control mechanisms over the executive.
Vavić particularly emphasised that the Code of Ethics of the MPs has been rendered meaningless by refusing to discuss on the cases of its violation.
She recalled that after the incident in the Parliament during which there were a mutual insults of the MPs of the Democratic Front and the President of the Government, charges for violating the Code of Ethics were filed against seven MPs.
“Although deputy chairman of the Committee on Human Rights and Freedoms from the ranks of the opposition coalition has jurisdiction for convening the sessions, she did not do it. After that, President of the Parliament convened the session, but it was not held due to lack of quorum”, she recalled.
The presented research have been conducted within the regional project “Monitoring and Evaluation of the Rule of Law in the Western Balkans – MERLIN WB”, which we implement together with the European Policy Institute from Skopje and Belgrade Centre for Security Policy from Belgrade, with the financial support of European Fund for The Balkans.
Below, you can read the interview with Dina Bajramspahić, public policy researcher in IA
When the Institute Alternative was founded and what is its mission and vision?
Bajramspahić: “Institute Alternative” was founded in 2007 as a think-tank organization with the aim to contribute to the improvement of public policies in Montenegro though research and advocacy. Based on the decision of the Ministry of Science from 17 of October 2013, Institute Alternative (IA) has been granted a license for performing scientific research activities in the field of social sciences, according to the Law on Scientific Research Activity. Our strategic goal is to raise the quality of work, accountability, transparency and efficiency of public administration, fostering an open, public, constructive and reasoned debate on public policies and to strengthen the capacity of state and society for development.
Through what programs do you realize your strategic goals?
Bajramspahić: We are currently in the phase of strategic rethinking of program areas of the organization and redefining our goals for the period by 2020. However, for years, IA has been implementing its activities within four main active programs: 1.The reform of public administration, 2. Responsible public finances, 3. Parliamentary program and 4. Security and defense – in which I am personally most involved, although, naturally, there is an overlap between all programs and activities of the organization.
What are the major projects that Institute Alternative has implemented so far, and what are those you are currently working on?
Bajramspahić: Over the past nine years we have been working on a lot of projects in each of the program area. A list of 35 current and completed projects from just the last few years is available at: https://institut-alternativa.org/en/ongoing-projects/ IA is known for the transparency of its work and the proactive disclosure of information on all projects, donors that have supported our work and on our finances. Among other things, this year it was third year in a row that IA received five stars for the transparency of its finances, according to research conducted by an international non-profit organization, Transparify, that evaluates transparency of over 200 research centers. So far, our work is supported by over 20 different donors, and with the majority of them we have continuous cooperation. Our annual financial reports are also available on our website.
Would you explain briefly your main tasks as a public policy researcher?
Bajramspahić: I work in IA since May 2011 as a researcher and my main task is data collection and analysis of public policies in the field of security and defense; writing and publishing different types of reports (studies, briefs, articles, press releases), which are usually the result of monitoring and evaluation of the work of state institutions. Thus, it is necessary to present recommendations arising from those analyses to the relevant decision makers and the public. With the aim of influencing policy-making, we participate in expert working groups, but we also organize various public events in order to start discussion on a number of important issues for society.
Initially, the subject of our interest was predominantly democratic and civilian control of the security and defense sector. However, over time, we started being actively involved in all issues related to the rule of law, good governance in the security sector, reform of the judiciary and anti-corruption, and questions of integrity in this area. Therefore, my job is to point out, based on collected data, to the possible directions for improvements in these areas.
Is it possible to say that the democratic processes in Montenegro advanced after its independence?
Bajramspahić: There is no doubt that Montenegro formally advanced the most among of all of its neighbors in terms of European and Euro-Atlantic integration. Number of steps has been taken, and over the past decade there has been a strong commitment to reaching these goals. However, the progress that has been realized is such that the citizens still cannot feel the benefits of the process. A lot comes down to elitist communication between international organizations, Member States and the Government, and on their assessment of the progress, that is often political. The democratization process is still turbulent, which means that we note the positive improvements but occasionally also some steps backwards.
Can the resignation of Darko Pajovića, leader of Positive Montenegro, after the failure of the recent general elections in the country, be considered as contribution to the democratization of society and political scene of Montenegro?
Bajramspahić: I believe not. Having lost parliamentary status, Positive Montenegro no longer has any chance of serious influence on the political situation in Montenegro. It should be noted that in the last parliamentary composition, this party had seven seats, which was a success given that they were just established. The management of this political group has an absolute responsibility for its collapse, but the ostensibly responsibility of its leader, who actually, except resignation, had no other option, will not have an impact on the political scene.
How would you assess the last parliamentary elections in Montenegro in terms of regularity and behavior of actors before and after them?
Bajramspahić: I think it’s devastating for all participants of the electoral process that even in 2016 has not been achieved more when it comes to confidence in the electoral process. A number of issues have not been resolved. It is clear that the opposition, because of objective reasons, and because of lack of involvement in solving problems, entered the election with suspicion and awareness of its very unequal position. It is so first of all because there were still present some practices of abuse of state resources for party purposes, especially through the party’s employment. There were also other open doubts in irregularities such as buying votes and irregularities in the voters list, which was all accompanied by a lack of proactivity of relevant state authorities.
I think it’s too bad that the rhetoric was extremely sharpened and was dominantly populist and nationalist. Questions about Montenegro’s membership in NATO prevailed, rather than the real life issues that the majority of citizens worry about. Even those parties that offered a Program, generally had no clear suggestions on how to improve the situation in Montenegro. The most worrying is that the elections showed that such realistic and moderate policy would not get support because the majority of citizens gave their vote to parties that with their extreme statements contributed most to the polarization of society – to the ruling DPS and the opposition party DF.
How do you comment on the arrest of the former head of the Serbian Gendarmerie Bratislav Dikić and the group on election day? Have arrested actually had bad intentions, or …? Does Belgrade have anything to do with their appearance in your country on election day?
Bajramspahić: I think it is too early to comment, because the situation is still very unclear and unknown, but I want to believe that the court process will resolve all issues. The Special Prosecutor that is leading this case has so far justified the high expectations that the public had of the Special Prosecutor’s Office. So, I hope it will be the same in this case, although now, there is a far greater risk of political misuse of the Prosecutor’s Office. If it is confirmed in the future that the official version on the event is not true, this would have serious consequences on our justice system, where the Special Prosecutor’s Office was the brightest link so far.
The relative winner of the election was again Milo Djukanovic and his party. Will he be able to form a stable parliamentary majority and the Government, if he succeeds to acquire the minority parties in the coalition? Could “Croatian scenario” happen in Montenegro?
Bajramspahić: If DPS fails to form a majority with the minority parties, I believe it would be no more unstable than the majority if constituted by the opposition and minorities. I certainly think that for the reform process, it is better that no party has an absolute majority since it is forced to more dialogue and negotiation with other actors in society, which is especially important for Montenegrin context. If we still have in mind the benefits of Government, I think that minority parties would not be as “impulsive” to leave the Government and “re-test” their power in elections.
In the end, is Montenegrin society predominantly determined for the EU and NATO? Bajramspahić: According to opinion polls, the majority of Montenegrin citizens support the accession of Montenegro to the European Union, but there is still not a stable majority for NATO.
Institute Alternative will present findings of our research “Monitoring and Evaluation of the Rule of Law in Montenegro“, on Tuesday, 8 November, at PR Centre, starting at 10AM.
The day before the European Commission Report on Montenegro is published, we want to present our perspective on the current state of affairs in the area of the rule of law in Montenegro and the progress made during the past year, with particular focus on negotiating chapters 23 and 24.
Below are some of the questions that our researchers, the authors of the report, will try to find answers to:
Where are we with the judiciary reform and does the strategic framework contribute to resolving practical issues?
What are the key challenges of good governance and what has been done in the area of the public administration reform?
What has been done in the area of fight against corruption in the past year?
Are the control mechanisms of the Parliament coercive enough for an efficient control of the executive authority?
Is the police reform strategic framework in compliance with the issues of police officers’ integrity?
How strong are institutional mechanisms when it comes to human rights protection?
What is the outreach of the efforts to build electoral trust in Montenegro?
IA conducted this research within the regional project “Monitoring and Evaluation of the Rule of Law in the Western Balkans – MERLIN WB“, in cooperation with the European Policy Institute from Skopje and Belgrade Centre for Security Policy from Belgrade, with the financial support of the European Fund for the Balkans.
Lectures within the First module were held on Friday and Saturday, 28 and 29 October 2016 in Podgorica. The concept and stakeholders of the process of public policy making were presented by Tihomir Žiljak, PhD, a professor at the Faculty of Political Science of the University of Zagreb.
Welcoming remarks were delivered by Stevo Muk, President of the Managing Board of Institute Alternative. He presented the goals of this flagship IA’s project that is being implemented fifth year in a row. He emphasized our aim to provide the necessary knowledge and skills to current and future actors of the public policy creation and implementation process, but also to enable communication and cooperation between different sectors and institutions. Stevo emphasized that this programme was created as a response to the lack of capacities of public administration for creation and implementation of coherent and sustainable public policies, but also to the lack of comprehensive approach to studying public policies within the formal education system in Montenegro.
The introductory topics – definition of public policy and stakeholders, instruments and phases of policy creation were presented by Tihomir Žiljak, a professor at the Faculty of Political Science at the University of Zagreb.
At the beginning, special attention was dedicated to differentiating between politics, policy, and polity, as well as between governance and government. Various definitions of the term public policy were presented: from those which stress action – “collective puzzle making”, “network of decisions and actions that allocate values”, to the ones which stress inaction – “a thoughtful selection of action or inaction”. Also, the difference between definitions which accentuate the vertical dimension of public policy “everything the government chooses to do or not to do” and the ones which refer to the horizontal dimension which includes the relationship of the participants in a variety of organizations and systems, outside the hierarchical lines of authority.
Additionally, three different approaches to what is public policy were presented: an authoritative choice made by the decision makers; structured interaction of different actors; and social construct. Special attention was devoted to the last approach, and particularly to the ideas of the theoretician Vivien Schmidt. Furthermore, different types of public policies, sectors and policy areas were discussed, with particular emphasis on the policy areas within the European Union. The phase model of public policy cycle was presented, which includes agenda setting, policy formulation, decision making, implementation of public policy, and evaluation of public policy.
On the second day, different types of actors (state and non-state) in the process of public policy making, as well as models of their cooperation (advocacy coalitions, epistemic communities) were listed. Using the example of anti-corruption policy in Montenegro, different actors were mapped and structured in various groups considering their influence and motivation to solve problems while different forms of their mutual cooperation were discussed as well.
The dynamics of Europeanization and policy creation in South East Europe were presented, as well. The difference between the concepts of Europeanization and integration, as well as comitology and agencification in the framework of EU’s decision-making were particularly stressed.
As the main reading, the participants used the collection of papers of the lecturers of Public Policy School entitled “Public Policies”, which was published by Institute Alternative in 2014. Within this collection of papers, five authors analyze the term and the key elements of the public policy from the perspective of different scientific disciplines. The second part of this collection of papers integrally contains the analysis “Policy making review – Montenegro” prepared by SIGMA during 2013, for which Institute Alternative collected the necessary data.
The project Public Policy School – V generation is implemented with the support of the Commission for Allocation of Funds from Games of Chance and Think Tank Fund – Open Society Foundation. The School is licensed as an official program for the acquisition of knowledge and skills in the field of public policy by the National Council for Education of Montenegro.
Six out of ten citizens of Montenegro trust the police. This suggests that police, despite numerous challenges, has citizens on its side as significant impetus to its work. In a nutshell, these opinions include, apart from the high level of public trust, largely positive associations about typical policemen and policewomen.
This trust score in police is in contradiction with other survey results, drawing a somewhat complex picture of people’s opinion of the police. Citizens think that corruption in this institution is relatively widespread; that the police predominantly serve particular interests, and that recruitment is not merit-based.
Although citizens believe that corruption within the police is widespread, they are not eager to report it. The striking majority of over 73% of the respondents said that they would not report corruption within the police even if they were not asked to disclose their personal data.
The key trends remain steady in comparison with the survey conducted in 2015. This suggests that relatively turbulent developments and opposition protests in the capital city of Podgorica from October 2015, which resulted in excessive use of force by a number of police officers, have not significantly affected the general perception of the police.
Also – like in 2015 – trust in the police and perception of corruption are not positively correlated, indicating the need for further research of key determinants of public trust in institutions. Possible explanations can be associated with the predominant political culture, which is not highly participatory and civic-oriented but is, instead, still parochial and submissive to a significant extent, meaning that a significant portion of population is not eager to question the authorities regardless of their performance.
The report was published as part of the project titled “Western Balkans Pulse for Police Integrity and Trust”, which aims to contribute to increasing the trust and confidence in the police by promoting its accountability and strengthening its integrity. For this reason, the following seven civil society organisations from the region came together to form the POINTPULSE network: Analytica from Skopje, Belgrade Centre for Security Policy (BCSP), Balkan Investigative Reporting Network (BIRN) from Belgrade, Centre for Security Studies (CSS) from Sarajevo, Institute Alternativa (IA) from Podgorica, Institute for Democracy and Mediation (IDM) from Tirana, and the Kosovo Centre for Security Studies (KCSS) from Pristina.
The project is supported by the European Union through the programme “Civil Society Facility” under the Instrument for Pre-Accession Assistance (IPA). The content of this report is the sole responsibility of the Institute Alternative and the views expressed in this document are not necessarily those of the European Union.
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