The Administrative Court: The Agency’s Decision on Jelić’s conflict of interest was not legal

The Administrative Court’s Decision states that the Agency for Prevention of Corruption’s (APC) Decision lacks rationale of the statement that the ‘’expert services’’ provided by the public official Zoran Jelić, the senator of the State Audit Institution, to the Prva bank of Montenegro can be linked to scientific, educational, artistic and sports activities.

We consider that this Court’s Decision sets the standard for the future Agency’s proceedings in identifying conflict of interest. The Agency, when deciding on the (non)existence of the conflict of interest, often uses these particular legally allowed activities as a cover up for public officials which are violating the law.

It has been one year and nine months since we have issued a lawsuit against the Agency’s Decision to the Court. Only now has the Administrative Court decided and uphold our lawsuit to annul the Decision of the Agency for the Prevention of Corruption  by which it found that Zoran Jelić, a Senator of the State Audit Institution (SAI), is not in conflict of interest for his engagement in the Prva Bank of Montenegro. Throughout this engagement as a member of the Audit Committee of Prva Bank, during more than nine months, Jelić  earned close to 6.000 euro.

In the lawsuit, we found disputable that the Agency explicitly claimed that Jelić’s engagement with Prva Bank  is a matter of “scientific, educational, artistic and sports” activities under Article 9 of the Law on the Prevention of Corruption, and that a public official has the right to perform these activities, acquire income based on it and declare it accordingly.

However, in the, now already annulled Decision, the Agency did not state clearly whether the activity which Zoran Jelić performs in Prva Banka falls under “scientific”, “educational”, “artistic”, “sports” or “cultural” activity .

The Court recognised our arguments and determined all this in the Decision U. No. 3141/18, from 23 of January 2020, returning the case to the Agency for reconsideration and obliging it to issue a new, lawful Decision.

According to the Register of Activities (6419 – other monetary intermediation) and provisions of a number of regulations defining the content of these activities, it is clear that Prva Bank does not perform scientific, sports, artistic or cultural activity. Also, clear provisions of the Law on Banks regarding competences of Audit Committees indicate that neither the Audit Board’s competences fall in the scope of the said activities.

Therefore, we believe that it will be difficult for the Agency to explain in the Decision how these two can be linked, and we expect it to waive such illogical reasoning. Otherwise, we will be forced to continue to question it before all the available court instances.

We remind why this case is important – by approving such engagements to public officials and by encouraging such illegal practices, the Agency sends an open call to other members of the SAI Senate, as well as to other public officials, to engage in such engagements. This does not only undermine clear provisions of the Law on Prevention of Corruption, but also broader societal goals of adopting and implementing the law, anti-corruption policies and integrity policies.

It should be emphasised that the function of a member of the Senate of the State Audit Institution, unlike many other public functions, is particularly protected and privileged as it is a lifelong function with compensation in the pay grade of a Constitutional Court judge. In this sense, the legislator places a member of the SAI Senate among the highest state officials.

Additionally, the State Audit Institution is a constitutional institution that audits all other institutions and bodies and is therefore obliged to show the same or even higher level of integrity in its work and behaviour than other bodies and institution.

EU and Western Balkans: Seizing the Momentum

The European Parliament and the Think for Europe Network (TEN) are organising the panel discussion EU and Western Balkans: Seizing the Momentum

Date: 19 February 2020 – 1 to 3 pm
Venue: European Parliament, Brussels, room ASP 3G2

Following the publication of the Commission’s Western Balkans Strategy 2018 was supposed to be the ‘year of enlargement’. It did not work out. 2019 was mainly a year of ‘enlargement frustration’. 2020 should finally offer the European Union and the Western Balkans a new chance to address the low level of mutual engagement and grow closer together. Considering the number of shared problems and interests of the EU and the region, a deeper engagement is paramount.

What are the most pressing issues in the relationship between the EU and the Western Balkans? Can the revised enlargement methodology make a real difference? How can the role of parliaments, civil society and citizens in the accession process be enhanced? What can be done to render rule of law reforms more effective? To what extent can political elites and citizens of the
Western Balkans be involved in the Conference on the Future of Europe? These are some of the questions that this event will consider. The discussants will provide concrete inputs1 on how to reinvigorate the EU membership perspective of the region.

Participating Members of the European Parliament will be invited to take the floor to respond to the panelists and enrich the discussion with their own insights and proposals.

Discussants:

Milena Lazarević, Programme Director, European Policy Centre (CEP), Belgrade
Simonida Kacarska, Director, European Policy Institute (EPI), Skopje
Sotiraq Hroni, Executive Director, Institute for Democracy and Mediation (IDM), Tirana
Dina Bajramspahić, Research Director, Institute Alternative (IA), Podgorica
Anida Šabanović, Director, Foreign Policy Initiative (FPI), Sarajevo
Rreze Hoxha, Research Fellow, Group for Legal and Political Studies (GLPS), Pristina

Moderator: André De Munter, European Parliament, DG for External Policies of the Union, Enlargement, Western Europe and Northern Cooperation Unit.

Inputs will be partly based on the TEN policy briefs ‘Effective benchmarking for concrete rule of law reforms in the Western Balkans’ (October 2019) and ‘Curbing the executive bias in EU enlargement policy for stronger
democracy in the Western Balkans’ (November 2019).

New violence as the consequence of relativising crime

We strongly condemn the attack on the activists of the Humanitarian Law Center (HLC), the Youth Initiative for Human Rights from Serbia and the forum ZFD at the pro-fascist promotion of the book of war criminal Vojislav Šeselj in Belgrade.

On Wednesday evening, 5 February, promotion of the book ‘There was no genocide in Srebrenica’ by a war criminal, leader of the Serbian Radical Party and MP of the Serbian Parliament, was held in Belgrade’s Stari Grad municipality. Six human rights activists came to the promotion with the intention to distribute to audience the HLC dossier ‘Crimes against the Croats in Vojvodina’. They were prevented from doing so, and on that occasion Nataša Kandić, the founder of the HLC, and Nataša Govedarica, director of the ForumZfD office in Serbia, were physically attacked, knocked to the ground by the participants of that promotion and then pushed out of the building.

The promotion of another book at the state institutions in Serbia, denying in several thousand pages that genocide was committed in Srebrenica, despite several final verdicts by international and national courts, confirms that the relativising war crimes in Serbia is not an incident but, unfortunately, dominant and accepted approach.

Hence, it is of utmost national and regional importance that courageous and valuable effort of our colleagues to raise a voice against dangerous manipulation of facts and negation of human rights.

Denial of the Srebrenica genocide, which was determined by the International Court of Justice, the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (Hague Tribunal) and national courts in multiple judgments, represents hate speech that is not protected by freedom of expression.

This incident emphasises the need to establish RECOM (Regional Commission for the establishment of facts about war crimes and other serious violations of human rights from 1991 to 2001), which we and our colleagues from Serbia and region of the former Yugoslavia have been advocating for over a decade. Establishment of facts about the wars committed in the former Yugoslavia and critical review of the past, establishment of justice for victims and punishment of perpetrators are necessary basis for building long lasting peace in the region and also defence to detrimental nationalism and fascism.

Daliborka Uljarević, Centre for Civic Education (CCE)
Tea Gorjanc Prelević, Human Rights Action (HRA)
Rade Vujović, Association of History Professors of Montenegro (HIPMONT)
Milka Tadić Mijović, Centre for Investigative Journalism of Montenegro (CIN MNE)
Ana Novaković Djurović, Center for Development of non-governmental organisations (CDNGO)
Milena Perović Korać, Monitor’s Center for Democracy and Media (MCDM)
Ana Nenezić, Center for Monitoring and Research (CEMI)
Maja Raičević, Women’s Rights Centre
Ivana Vujović, Juventas
Sabina Talović, Bona Fide
Ervina Dabižinovic, ANIMA
Stevo Muk, Institute alternative

On EU Integrations on Radio of Montenegro

Our Dina Bajramspahić was guest in todays show dedicated to EU integrations on the Radio of Montenegro.  She spoke about new methodology of European Commission, the principles on which it is based and whether Montenegro should accept them. She also commented on the progress made so far in negotiations, the priorities for the future and many other issues. Listen what she said:

Info Session: ‘’Voice Your Rights! – Expanding Space for Free Assemblies”

We invite colleagues from civil society organisations to an info session during which we will present Contest within the project: ‘’Voice Your Rights! – Expanding Space for Free Assemblies’’.

Info Session will start on 13 February 2020, at the EU Info Center – Podgorica, at 12 o’clock.

Info Session in an opportunity to talk with interested colleagues about the topic and conditions of the Contest and answer the questions relevant for the successful preparation of project proposals.

Speakers:

Dina Bajramspahić, project coordinator;
Ana Đurnić, grant scheme coordinator;
Tamara Delić, financial manager;

For the purpose of this Contest, we have prepared a Guidelines for Applicants, where you can find informations about the basic conditions for participation, financial aspect of the Contest etc.

Institute Alternative (IA) will reimburse travel expenses in the amount of public transport tickets or fuel receipt, for participants who are not from Podgorica.

See you on Thursday, 13 February!

Institute Alternative team.

Project “’Voice Your Rights! – Expanding Space for Free Assemblies” is being implemented by Institute Alternative, in partnership with Human Rights Action and supported by European Union through the Instrument for Democracy and Human Rights, Program for Montenegro 2018. The content of this Call is the sole responsibility of Institute Alternative and in no way reflects the views of European Union.

6 NGOs Protest the Appointment of the Presiding Judge of the Constitutional Court

Non-governmental organisations Human Rights Action (HRA), Center for Civil Liberties, European Association for Law and Finance, Institute alternative, Institute for the Rule of Law and Network for Affirmation of the NGO sector – MANS, sent yesterday an open letter to seven judges of the Constitutional Court of Montenegro regarding election of judge Desanka Lopičić for ,,presiding judge’’.

The letter states that the election of the ,,presiding judge’’ goes against the Constitution of Montenegro and Law on the Constitutional Court of Montenegro. The NGOs request that the disputed decision be abolished and that the function of the president of the Constitutional Court should be filled by the eldest judge Hamdija Šarkinović, that he should immediately repeat the procedure for appointment of the president of the Constitutional Court, in order to protect constitutionality and legality and enable realisation of the rule of law.

The main reason for protest is that the article 22 paragraph 4 of Law on the Constitutional Court prescribes that in an event of termination of the mandate of the president of the Constitutional Court, until election of a new president, the function of the president of the Constitutional Court should be performed by its deputy, ,,and if there is no deputy, the function of the president of the Constitutional Court should be performed by the eldest judge’’. Therefore, for the sake of legality and continuity of regular work of the Constitutional Court the aforementioned article should have been acted upon and the oldest judge Hamdija Šarkinović should have been appointed to perform the role of president of the Constitutional Court, because, for unknown reasons, the deputy of the recent president Dragoljub Drašković was never elected. According to that, the legislature has made every effort to ensure the continuity of regimen of the Constitutional Court when, for whatever reason, the termination of the mandate of the president comes to an end, even assuming the situation in which the Constitutional Court now finds itself without having a Deputy President. In such a situation, the legislature did not prescribe that judges should elect a ,,presiding judge’’, as the majority of judges unlawfully decided to do, but rather that the eldest judge should perform that function until the new president is elected.

It was also pointed out that, especially for the election of Judge Desanka Lopičić as “Presiding Judge”, with “all rights and obligations of the President of the Constitutional Court”, there is a constitutional ban, since Judge Lopičić has already been elected President of the Constitutional Court.

The NGOs highlighted that the analogy cited in the decision of appointment by the Constitutional Court with the election of the presiding judge during 1996 when the president of the Constitutional Court of Montenegro was also not elected is inappropriate, since other regulations were in force at that time, the President of the Constitutional Court was elected by the Assembly, now is elected by the Constitutional Court judges, and that at the time there was no a provision similar to Article 22 paragraph 4 of the Law on the Constitutional Court prescribing who performs the function of the president in the case of termination of his mandate. Also, the analogy with the election of the presiding judge in Croatia in 2007 is inappropriate, since it reflects a legal system of another state, which does not have a provision as Article 22 paragraph 4 of the Law on the Constitutional Court, and whose Constitutional Court at that time operated in very specific conditions without a full number of judges, while in Montenegro the Constitutional Court operates at full capacity.

It is particularly emphasised that the Council of Europe Group of States against Corruption (Groupe d’Etats contre la corruption – GRECO) recommended to Montenegro to limit the excessive concentration of powers in the judiciary and that it recently in that sense criticised third election of Vesna Medenica as President of the Supreme Court, as well as the election of presidents of courts which were appointed at least three times to the same functions. Now, even in the case of Desanka Lopičić’s election to perform the function of president of the Constitutional Court until the end of the year, and possibly longer, until a new president is elected, although she already performed the same role in one mandate before, the Constitutional prohibition was violated, and the recommendations of GRECO, whose aim is to prevent corruption, were not respected.

The NGOs warned that evading application of laws of Montenegro through invoking its own and foreign practice, represents a path to arbitrariness, from which exactly the Constitutional Court should provide protection, and it was concluded that the Constitutional Court must not allow for election of a ,,presiding judge’’, because it not only compromises the Court and endangers public trust, but it also seriously questions the ability of the state to secure the rule of law.

The open letter sent to seven judges of the Constitutional Court of Montenegro you can find here.

Institute Alternative, Stevo Muk, President of the Managing Board
Human Rights Action (HRA) Tea Gorjanc Prelević, Human Rights Action (HRA), Executive Director
Network for Affirmation of NGO Sector MANS, Veselin Radulović, legal representative
Centre for Civil Liberties – CEGAS, Boris Marić,  Director
Institute for Rule of Law, Danilo Ajković, Executive Director
European Association for Law and Finance (EALF), Katarina Bošković, President of the Managing Board