Flawed, unfinished business

The Administrative Committee has brought disgrace upon itself and this must be said loud and clear. Negative mutual solidarity of the Committee members expressed in a particular crisis situation will be marked as a dark page in the history of this Committee and the Parliament of Montenegro.

Imagine the following situation. It is stipulated in the law that if you were to leave the country, you would require a passport. You arrive at the border with your passport, where the official tells you that you also require an identification card. You posses an ID, but you did not bring it, since it was not stipulated in the law that you would need it. An official informs you with a forthright tone of voice that you cannot cross the border and have to return home.

This is the simplest explanation of a situation that has emerged last week due to unprovoked actions by the Administrative Committee, which undermined the good relationship of a large number of NGOs and the Parliament of Montenegro. In particular, the Administrative Committee refused to recognize letters of support from dozens of non-governmental organizations that had, in accordance with the law, supported their candidates for the RTCG Council. These NGOs have supported their candidates in a manner stipulated by the law, meaning that they have submitted all the required documentation, but apparently have not done this in accordance with some sort of Minutes from the meeting of the working group established by the Administrative Committee. One MP of Positive Montenegro and one MP of Democratic Party of Socialist (DPS) found themselves in this working group, along with the three employees of the Parliamentary Service. This working group has given itself the right to interpret the Law on Public Broadcasting Services of Montenegro and to adopt what essentially is a by-law for application of this Law in relation to the process of appointment of members of the RTCG Council.

The surprise of non-governmental organizations was even greater as we thought that particularly the MPs of opposition parties will be careful in counting the votes. The opposition knows best what stealing votes means and how it must hurt. Unfortunately, it appears that this time the opposition did not apply the same criteria as when it comes to interests of political parties.

The unity of the members of the ruling and opposition political parties shown during the discussion and voting at this session of the Administrative Committee is peculiar, at the very least.

No one has yet managed to explain to us why it had been decided to infringe the Law on Public Broadcasting Services of Montenegro and based on what other regulations was it decided to erase dozens of legitimate authorized nominators.

That everything is not as crystal clear as the Administrative Committee argues, demonstrates the fact that the Collegium of the President of the Parliament of Montenegro (which was comprised of the heads of parliamentary groups of the same political parties) day before the (in)famous session of the Committee, suggested to the Committee to suspend the decision-making. Obviously, the Collegium took into consideration the explanations and appeals of dozens of NGOs, which considered to be illegally removed from the lists of candidate support.

As it later turns out, MP Azra Jasavić was in fact a negative face of the Positive (Montenegro). As a matter of fact, she was the first person obliged to say “I cannot be a member of this working group, since I have worked for the organization governed by one of the candidates.” In other words, Azra Jasavić had to voice her concern about this conflict of interest (at least as a moral dilemma). Instead, it appears not only that Ms Jasavić administrated the entire illegal procedure, but that she is the loudest defender of the idea that the subsequent interpretation of the rules may result in an unequal position of at least one of the candidates.

In other words, even if the interpretation of the Administrative Committee is indeed appropriate, every candidate and authorized nominator had to be informed about the interpretation the day the public call for the appointment of members of the Council was published. Otherwise, we, as well as the general public, are entitled to have doubts about some candidates becoming familiar with the interpretation and the methodology much sooner than the others, and thus acquiring an irreplaceable advantage within the procedure.

All things considered, the Administrative Committee has brought disgrace upon itself and this must be said loud and clear. Negative mutual solidarity of the Committee members expressed in a particular crisis situation will be marked as a dark page in the history of this Committee and the Parliament of Montenegro. Instead of providing response to questions formally and publically posed by the NGOs, members of the Committee labeled these inquiries as “informal pressure measurements” and gave full support to the illegal work conducted by the two MPs, members of the Committee.

Instead of willingness to reexamine and take into consideration the documentation submitted in the written form, the Committee members said that they believed the word of honor of their colleagues. Do the Committee members by any chance expect a return favor and the support of their colleagues with some different interpretation of the law in the future? Is that the “principle” according to which the MPs should act and make decisions in the committees of the Parliament of Montenegro?

There is enough material here for the work of the Administrative Court, the Constitutional Court, and possibly the competent prosecutor. Therefore, it is in the public’s best interest for the damage inflicted upon the public interest, rule of law and the reputation of the Parliament of Montenegro to be repaired as soon as possible.

The process of appointment of the new composition of the RTCG Council could have been anything other than this scandal. The Administrative Committee has managed to add yet another ugly segment to the picture of NGOs drawn by various actors for years now.

The Professional Service of the Administrative Committee has the right to make a mistake, but is at the same time obliged to remedy it.

Azra Jasavić has the right to make a mistake, but is at the same time obliged to remedy it. The Administrative Committee has the right to make a mistake, but is at the same time obliged to remedy it. The Parliament of Montenegro, meaning the Assembly of the Parliament has to try and remedy the mistakes made at the earlier stages of this process. The most responsible for the legality of the work of the Parliament of Montenegro is the President, but each and every member of the Parliament likewise.

Stevo Muk
President of the Managing Board

text originally published in the ,,Forum” section of the daily Vijesti

Press release: Budva, Ulcinj, Žabljak and Rožaje still without action plans for fight against corruption

Activity from the Action Plan for Chapter 23 relating to the adoption of the local action plans for fight against corruption has not been implemented fully in accordance with the stipulated period – end of 2013. As of 31 March 2014, four municipalities have not yet adopted a strategic document for the fight against corruption for the period 2013-2014.

Based on the Institute Alternative’s research, Budva, Ulcinj, Žabljak and Rožaje didn’t adopt action plans for fight against corruption within the period foreseen by the AP for Chapter 23, although the preparation and adoption of these plans were almost the only anti-corruption activities in most municipalities during 2013.

Moreover, it is problematic that a comprehensive, objective and analytical approach in defining the measures in the local actions plan for fight against corruption, and identification of specific risks in the municipalities are missing. Preparation of these plans is just one of the obligations of local governments which, as a rule, is implemented in a way that “reproduce” components from the Model Action Plan. Therefore, uniform strategic objectives, measures, actions and indicators are defined in each of 17 municipalities that have been so far adopted plans for fight against corruption.

Achievements and results in the fight against corruption should be an indicator for national and local coordination teams how to improve preparation of this strategic documents with defining specific measures and activities for each municipality, especially within the areas that are particularly vulnerable to corruption, as urban planning, public procurement, etc.

Jovana Marović
Koordinatorka istraživanja

IA’s comments on the Draft of the Law on Prevention of Corruption

Institute Alternative took part in the public hearing on the Draft of the Law on Prevention of Corruption and has submitted written commentaries to the Ministry of Justice, the proposer of this draft.

Among other things, we have emphasized the need to reconsider the scope of the Agency’s jurisdiction, the manner of appointments, as well as the authorities of the departments within the Agency. Specific comments relate to the 25 particularly controversial articles of the Draft of the Law.

You can find our comments here – in Montenegrin only.

Conference: 10 years since Slovenia joined NATO

Representatives of Institute Alternative, Jovana Marović and Dina Bajramspahić, participated in the Conference organized by the Embassy of the Republic of Slovenia on the occasion of the 10th anniversary of Slovenia’s membership in NATO.

On Thursday, 3rd of April, starting at 12:30 pm, the Embassy of the Republic of Slovenia organized a press conference and a cocktail on the occasion of the 10th anniversary of Slovenia’s membership in North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). Other countries which joined NATO the same year as Slovenia – Romania, Bulgaria, Estonia, Lithuania and Latvia, marked the 10th anniversary of accession, as well.

The following speakers addressed the audience:

  • Ambassador of the Republic of Slovenia, H.E. Vladimir Gasparič;
  • Ambassador of the Slovak Republic, H.E. František Lipka;
  • Ambassador of the Republic of Bulgaria, H.E. Mladen Tcherveniakov;
  • Ambassador of the Republic of Romania, H.E. Ferdinand Nagy;
  • Deputy Ambassador of the Republic of Romania, Tudor Dimitru.

The conference addressed transformation, experiences, benefits and commitments of membership to NATO, as well as assessments of the level of implemented reform of the security sector in Montenegro and compliance with the NATO standards. In this regard, the necessity of further reform of intelligence service was particularly emphasized.

“NATO believes that Montenegro should invest continuous efforts in the field of civilian intelligence service in order to achieve that level of confidence required for sharing information relevant for security, terrorism, cyber terrorism,” said Ambassador Lipka, and added that “NATO conducted the screening of the intelligence sector and recommended for changes to be made. This is currently being worked on and there are positive prospects that the reform process will be completed by June this year.” He reminded that on July 24th and 25th, the foreign ministers of member states of the Alliance will assess progress reports of the four aspirant countries. On the basis of these reports a decision will be made whether the further NATO enlargement will be on the agenda of the Summit in Wales, which will take place in September this year.

Lectures within the first module of the Public Policy School held

Lectures within the First module of the 2014 Public Policy School were held on March 29th and 30th, at the premises of PR Center. The introductory lecture of the School, entitled “The concept and the stakeholders of the process of public policy making”, was presented by Tihomir Žiljak, PhD, professor at the Faculty of Political Science of the University of Zagreb.

(Agenda of the First module of the Public Policy School is available in Montenegrin)

The two-day seminar covered the following topics: definition of the notion of “policy”; divisions, areas and sectors of public policies; typology of public policies; phases of the policy cycle; different types of actors (state and non-state) in the policy-making process, as well as models of their cooperation. Within the presentation of the different types of responsibility and accountability, special attention was dedicated to differentiating notions of “responsibility” and “accountability”, while within the discussion on instruments of public policy implementation, the terms “output”, “outcome” and “impact” were analyzed in a greater detail. Furthermore, possible mistakes and failures of public policies were discussed.

During the second day the dynamics of Europeanization and public policies in South Eastern Europe was discussed, as well as the difference between the terms “Europeanization” and “integration”; specificities of Europeanization of public policies in relation to Europeanization of politics. Additionally, the difference between Europeanization during EU accession process, after joining the EU, and outside the EU accession process, were pointed out as well.

An interesting discussion was opened up among participants on the different views of Montenegrin progress in the Europeanization process. Different standpoints generated contrasting opinions, from those who criticized the current state of affairs from the point of view of what yet needs to be done, to those who complimented the implemented reforms, emphasizing the importance of the results achieved so far.

Lectures included interactive group work and presentations of joint conclusions, while two short documentaries were screened. A great part of the literature recommended by professor Žiljak during the lectures was made available to the participants in electronic form.

Public Policy School is the project supported by the Commission for the Allocation of Revenue from Games of Chance and implemented by Institute Alternative (IA) in collaboration with the Centre for Research and Monitoring (CeMI).

IA at a roundtable on ethics and fight against corruption

Jovana Marović and Milena Milošević participated in the roundtable “Ethics and Fight Against Corruption”, which was organized by Centre for Civic Education (CCE), with the support of the British Embassy.

Jovana spoke within the third panel, which was addressing the issues of ethics code of holders of executive power and the corruption risk management. Among other things, she discussed the application of the Code of Ethics of Civil Servants and State Employees, as well as the Code of Ethics of Local Civil Servants and Employees.

Other topics considered at the roundtable included the Code of Judicial Ethics, as well as the concept of parliamentary ethics. Panelists within these two topics were Branka Lakočević, Head of the Working Group for Chapter 23, as well as the representatives of the parliamentary groups of Democratic Party of Socialists, Democratic Front, Socialist People’s Party, Positive Montenegro and Social Democratic Party – Branka Tanasijević, Goran Danilović, Aleksandar Danilović, Mladen Bojanić and Rifat Rastoder.

“Member of the Working Group on Chapter 23 from Institute Alternative, Jovana Marović, said that the purpose of the ethics code was to affect the confidence of citizens, which was currently at a very low level. She said that, according to the latest research, 50 percent of the population had no confidence in the ministries, while that the same percentage believed that the authorities had been under political pressure.”

(source: internet portal Café del Montenegro)